Raja Sekhar Vundru

Raja Sekhar Vundru's Writings

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Location: New Delhi, India

Ph.D on Dr.Ambedkar's Electoral System from the National Law School, Bangalore (NLSUI) Currently working as Joint Secretary, Ministry of Agriculture, Government of India , Krishi Bhawan, New Delhi +911123381994

Saturday, February 08, 2014

Relevance of Ambedkar in Today's India : Panel Discussion

Relevance of Ambedkar in Today's India : Panel Discussion


Talktime Programme on Loksabha TV discussion by Paranjoy Guha Thakurta with Dr. Raja Sekhar Vundru and Dr.Narendra Jadhav. Telecast first on 13 July 2013.


Saturday, February 01, 2014









Namdeo Dhasal (1949-2014)
Appraisal
Dalit poet Namdeo Dhasal lived and died raging into the night
“Mercy-grace-peace do not touch Golpitha.”
—From Vijay Tendulkar’s introduction to Golpitha
On July 9, 1972, Dalit writers Namdeo Dhasal, Arjun Dangle and J.V. Pawar met in Bombay and established the Dalit Panthers, a radical militant outfit that sprang out of Maharashtra’s Dalit literary movement. It was the silver jubilee year of India’s independence but the Panthers observed a ‘Black Day’, with black-flag demonstrations all over Bombay, protesting the exploitation and oppression of Dalits.
That same year, Golpitha, a collection of poems by Bombay taxi driver Dhasal, had created a storm that was to blow away the traditional Marathi literary citadels, while also establishing Dalit poetry as a distinct stream of literature in the country. Golpitha, named after a slum area in Bombay, created an imagery, vocabulary and landscape completely unknown to Indian literature and set the tone for a new Dalit expression:
“My everything amber
Sky alchohols in the glass
Let breath reel stagger
Let snake-vines keep the beat move shake
The raga of gutter-ganges
Let the donkey under your skin bray
Let flow the pain, the dark serpent, the charging boar
Let the balls sizzle
An honest beast in your torch
Now is yours
Sell cheap faith-in-Christ, family plan your vulgarity
Kick this heavenly virtue, this fatherly atrocity
This poor promising puking lamb
Crumpled-paper-Pandurang-dindi goes on singing
Winding
The sweet notes flute
Juhu beach fragranced
A quarter jingle jangles
Daug­h­ters wed between their thighs
Uncle Uncle Little Star
Str­­u­mming
The delicate guitar of impurity
Listen to the dainty ankle bells
Come come come come God
Crush the frogs in the earthenware pot
Blow out the lamp
Of the ump­teen generations
Suck, drool over the pelvic bone
My esse­nce droops drunken
Why pull it up
For everyone in front of everyone the wine filled glass.” 

(From Amber in Golpitha)

Dhasal continued in the anthology:
“Made so beggarly it is nausea to be human
Cannot fill shrivelled gut even with dirt
Each day just supports them as if bribed
Not a sigh slips through the fingers of day’s plenty as
We are cut down.”

Ambedkar scholar Eleanor Zelliot says, “Nothing is sacred to Dhasal, except possibly his own creative gift and the memory of a man (Dr B.R. Ambedkar) who believed in the creative powers of his own untouchable people.”
“The Lord of the people is never ugly
He is from among men
True
Holy
Beautiful
Babasaheb Ambedkar
Is true, holy, beautiful
Otherwise this book has no meaning
I write all this night
It’s three o’clock
Thought I want to have a drink
I don’t feel like drinking
I only want to sleep peacefully
And tomorrow morning see no varnas

(From Tuhi Iyatta Kanchi, 1981).
As a tribute to Ambedkar, Dhasal wanted to, not dream, but wake up and see no caste in the country. He went on to defy caste in the 10 volumes of poetry and three volumes of prose that was to pour out of him.
Even as the Dalit Panthers fragmented very quickly into distinct streams, the poet in him was in fervour. Dhasal was  prolific; recognition came in waves too. The Maharashtra government awarded Golpitha, and Dhasal’s acceptance of it did cause heartburn among the rest of the Panthers. There was even talk that he’d become part of the establishment (an allegation that never really went away, what with his column for Saa­mna). But that award got him noticed in the English media. On November 25, 1973, the Times of India’s weekly supplement introduced Dalit literature and Dhasal’s poetry to the reading public.
Meanwhile, Zelliot, who was editing the Journal of South Asian Literature, included his translations and an essay by Dilip Chitre in an issue (1982), Laurie Hovell published him in Translations (1986), and V.S. Naipaul wrote about him in his India: A Million Mutinies Now (1990). A Padma Shri also came calling in 1999. But the biggest award, to Dalit literature and to Dhasal, was the Sahitya Akademi Golden Jubilee Lifetime Achievement award in 2005. The late Dilip Chitre, his long-time friend and translator, published a collected works in 2007, Namdeo Dhasal: Poet of the Underworld, Poems 1972-2006. For Indian literature, Dhasal announced early on the beginning of the breaking of literary shackles and caste barriers. By the time he left us on the streets of Mumbai, he’d set the Dalits on the road to literary freedom, their wea­pon the choicest of words to flay an oppressive society with.

(The author is an IAS officer)
Click here to see the article in its standard web format



Sunday, August 04, 2013

Discusion on IAS aspirations on CNN-IBN News channel

On CNN-IBN news Channel with Sagarika Ghosh


Dr. B.R. Ambedkar Memorial Lecture-2013 at University of Hyderabad

On April,14 2013 Dr.Ambedkar Memorial Lecture was delivered at University of Hyderabad



Sunday, July 28, 2013

Dr.Ambedkar's Columbia Journey

The Birth of an Idea
by Raja Sekhar Vundru

http://www.thehindu.com/features/magazine/the-birth-of-an-idea/article4959660.ece


Features » Sunday Magazine

Published: July 28, 2013

The birth of an idea

Raja Sekhar Vundru
  • Portrait of Dr. Ambedkar at the Tamil Nadu Legislative Assembly chamber in Madras on September 9, 1980. Photo: The Hindu Archives
    The Hindu Portrait of Dr. Ambedkar at the Tamil Nadu Legislative Assembly chamber in Madras on September 9, 1980. Photo: The Hindu Archives
  • Statue of B R Ambedkar at the Parliament. Photo: V.V. Krishnan
    The Hindu Statue of B R Ambedkar at the Parliament. Photo: V.V. Krishnan
  • The Low Memorial Library in the Columbia University, 1913.
    Special Arrangement The Low Memorial Library in the Columbia University, 1913.

A hundred years ago, the hallowed halls of Columbia University and the roiling streets of Harlem gave B.R. Ambedkar a unique perspective into the struggles of his community in India.

In 1913, Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar, then only 22 years old, set sail to pursue higher education in the United States — a deviation from the natural choice of England for the predominantly upper caste Hindu Indian elite of that time. Ambedkar was, of course, neither upper caste nor elite. But that journey and the time spent at Columbia University and the upper Manhattan area of New York was to prove as monumental for the shaping of India’s future as Mahatma Gandhi’s voyage of self-discovery in South Africa.
Ambedkar was the first ever ‘untouchable’ to study in a foreign land — a Ph.D. from Columbia University and a D.Sc. at the London School of Economics. For him, it amounted to leaving the land of untouchability for a country yet to shrug off its past as a land of slavery.
Columbia was only a few blocks away from Harlem, the melting pot of Black America and the site of a great cultural reawakening movement that came to be known as the Harlem Renaissance. That movement was still in its incipient stages when Ambedkar was in Columbia.
A creation of the African-American real estate entrepreneur, Philip A. Payton, who took over unsold apartments for filling them up with Black tenants, Harlem symbolised the denial of the republican values that Ambedkar admired. The mass migration of thousands of Blacks from the Southern States — where they had worked predominantly as slaves in cotton and sugarcane plantations — to the more liberating city environments created a new cosmopolitan sophistication and sense of identity.
For Ambedkar, living next to Harlem in these culturally turbulent times provided a unique window into the deprivations and struggles of his own community back home.
On May 9, 1916, Ambedkar presented a paper ‘Castes in India; Their Mechanism, Genesis and Development’ at an anthropology seminar in Columbia University. It was the first of his many works into the origins of a “hoary institution” that defined Indian society and continues to do so even today.
While the fact that “there is so much similarity between the untouchables in India and the position of Negros in America” did not escape Ambedkar’s attention, he was, at the same time, convinced that untouchability was “far worse than slavery”. While the latter could be abolished by statute, “it will take more than a law to remove this stigma from the people of India.”
Equally significant was Ambedkar’s belief in the superiority of the basic American model of individual rights and representative government, notwithstanding the exclusion of the ‘colored’ people from this framework. In his testimony before the Southborough Committee on Franchise appointed by the British Government on January 27, 1919, Ambedkar — who was not even 28 then — made a vivid comparison between the U.S. and India: “Englishmen have all along insisted that India is unfit for representative Government because of the division of her population into castes and creeds. This does not carry conviction…The social divisions of India are equalled, if not outdone, in a country like the United States of America...If with all the social divisions, the United States of America is fit for representative Government, why not India?”
Ambedkar’s genius, though, lay in his racing ahead of America in winning rights for the untouchables of India. While racial segregation in the U.S. ended only in 1964, Ambedkar secured the right to representation for untouchables through reservation of seats in the provisional legislative bodies in 1932. Ambedkar also used the Poona Pact to also introduce reservation in the services for untouchables, by making it a part of 1935 Government of India Act.
By 1950, Ambedkar had gone much further as the principal author of the Constitution of India that legally abolished untouchability, provided safeguards to the Scheduled Castes from discrimination, and provided them representation in government services through reservations.
Ambedkar was the pioneer in pushing forward the idea of universal adult franchise and one man-one vote.In his 1919 submission to the Southborough Committee, Ambedkar argued: “No person…should be denied the opportunity of actively participating in the process of Government. That is to say popular Government is not only Government for the people but by the people”. Not surprisingly, he encountered resistance from most political conservatives. Sardar Vallabhai Patel, who headed the Constituent Assembly’s Committee on Fundamental Rights, expressed apprehension that the States may not agree and may even view it as encroaching upon their rights. A distinct feature of Ambedkar’s approach was his preference for constitutional methods and seeking of legal safeguards, whether against untouchability or in fighting patriarchy through the Hindu Code Bill that he pushed, albeit without success. He abhorred resort to both “bloody methods of revolution” as well as Gandhian tools such as Satyagraha, civil disobedience and non-cooperation.
As he stated while presenting the Draft Constitution on November 25, 1949: “Where constitutional methods (for achieving economic and social objectives) are open, there can be no justification for these unconstitutional methods. These methods are nothing but the Grammar of Anarchy and the sooner they are abandoned, the better for us”.
No doubt, American republican values had a profound influence in all these thoughts. The idea of every person having the right to life, liberty, free speech and pursuit of happiness — and the duty of the State to guarantee these freedoms to its subjects — is something that appealed to Ambedkar. For him, “the individual is an end in himself” and has certain “inalienable rights” to be protected through Constitution. From these followed the most important premise for a political democracy: “The State shall not delegate power to private persons to govern others.”
America was important for Ambedkar even from a personal standpoint. As he was to write later, five years of staying outside India completely wiped out of his mind any consciousness of being an untouchable. But when he returned to work in the State of Baroda, nothing had changed. Hostels there wouldn’t take him. The only way of seeking accommodation was by impersonation, for which he wasn’t prepared, knowing the dire consequences if his identity were discovered.
In an article published on November 30, 1930, a correspondent of the New York Times described Ambedkar as the “most unusual ‘untouchable’, having the degrees of Doctor of Philosophy from Columbia University, New York, and Doctor of Science from the University of London.” At the end of all this study abroad, he “returned to India as an ‘untouchable’, as when he left. He could not enter a temple or drink at a public well.”
Observing Harlem, cradle of the Black intellectual awakening, Ambedkar believed that the untouchables of India needed to be pulled out of villages to escape the tyranny and oppression of the caste system.
The nation owes it to Ambedkar for making India a much better place to live in after Independence, with a most forward-looking rights-based model of Constitution. For this, Columbia can take credit: It was the starting point after all!
Printable version | Jul 28, 2013 5:10:22 PM | http://www.thehindu.com/features/magazine/the-birth-of-an-idea/article4959660.ece


BOOK REVIEW: Dalit as athlete and officer rolled into one

Sunday, June 09, 2013

From Marathi to English : But without biographical contextualisation, any collection of Ambedkar’s speeches becomes a mere assortment

http://www.thehindu.com/books/books-reviews/from-marathi-to-english/article4778836.ece


Books » Reviews

Published: June 3, 2013 21:54 IST | Updated: June 4, 2013 16:56 IST

From Marathi to English

Raja Sekhar Vundru
301 Seminal Speeches (3 Volumes): Edited by Narendra Jadhav; Konark Publishers Pvt. Ltd, 206, First Floor, Peacock Lane, Shahpur Jat, New Delhi-110049. Rs. 4000.
301 Seminal Speeches (3 Volumes): Edited by Narendra Jadhav; Konark Publishers Pvt. Ltd, 206, First Floor, Peacock Lane, Shahpur Jat, New Delhi-110049. Rs. 4000.

But without biographical contextualisation, any collection of Ambedkar’s speeches becomes a mere assortment

Speaking on the on the issue of participation of India in the Second World War, on October 26, 1939, Dr. B. R. Ambedkar as a Member of Bombay Legislative Assembly said: “Let everybody here and everywhere understand … As between the country and myself, the country will have precedence; as between the country and the Depressed Classes, the Depressed Classes will have precedence — the country will not have precedence.” On the next day when B.G. Kher commented on Dr. Ambedkar’s speech: “My quarrel is with that statement of his. Because the part can never be greater than the whole. The whole must contain the part,” Ambedkar emphatically replied: “I am not a part of the whole. I am a part apart.”
Narendra Jadhav’s compilation of 301 speeches at one place brings us to remember the significance of Dr. Ambedkar: a radical orator, statesman, a “patriot of sterling worth”, and a constant inspiration to the million mutinies in India against societal oppression. Jadhav’s work on Dr. Ambedkar’s speeches emanates from Vasant Moon-edited Maharashtra Government’s Dr. Babasaheb Ambedka’s Writings and Speeches, which compiled Dr. Ambedkar’s speeches (and writings), but published Ambedkar’s Marathi speeches un-translated. This, Jadhav’s project now does.

Translation

Narendra Jadhav is known for translating his family’s story in Marathi (Amcha Baap aan Aamhi : Granthali:1993) into Outcaste: A Memoir (Penguin: 2003) which followed the trend of dalit autobiographies such as Viramma: Life of an Untouchable (Verso:1997) and Vasant Moon’s Growing up Untouchable in India (Rowman and Littlefield: 2000) . Jadhav’s only work on Ambedkar was in 1992, a collection of pieces on Ambedkar’s economic work, Dr. Ambedkar: Economic Thought and Philosophy (Popular Prakashan), published after Maharashtra Government’s volumes.
Jadhav’s project was to collect all the speeches of Dr. Ambedkar published so far and bring them to one place in English. The editor sieved published works of Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar’s Writings and Speeches (Maharashtra Government: 22 volumes); three Marathi collections of speeches; two Marathi biographies on Ambedkar; one English biography and one English collection of speeches for this purpose.
Dr. Ambedkar is known to have made speeches in English, Marathi, Hindi and Gujarati. The speeches were counted to 537. Then 500 of them were set into a bibliographic list and further shortlisted to 301 for publication. The 301 speeches were further categorised by Jadhav into seven parts: Autobiographical speeches, Social speeches, Guidance to followers, Economic, Religious, related to Law and Constitution and Political speeches explained with coloured pie charts and graphs.
These 301 speeches were packed into three volumes and are called a Trilogy. Celebrated editor and compiler of Maharashtra Government’s Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar’s Writings and Speeches, Vasant Moon, picked up the “I am a part apart” statement of Ambedkar sifting tomes of Bombay Legislative Assembly Debates.
Jadhav found the compilation of Ambedkar’s Writings and Speeches published by Maharashtra Government as “non-exhaustive, limited editing and no thematic presentation”. But Jadhav’s compilation misses the mark as the landmark disposition of Ambedkar, “I am a part apart” and finds no mention of it.
After having done a large project of bringing all the speeches to one place, the editor distinctly falls short of presenting any scholarly insight into Ambedkar’s work. Jadhav makes short work of the compilation by inventorying speeches in 20-dd pages of notes. An opportunity to do primary research was lost.
Dhananjay Keer’s biography of Ambedkar, Dr. Ambedkar: Life and Mission (Popular Prakashan: 1954) now becomes a pre-requisite to understand the current compilation of speeches of Dr. Ambedkar by Jadhav. Without biographical contextualisation of Ambedkar, tracing his journey; his rise and growth as a leader; his interventions that had an impact on the history and dalit movements — any compilation of such speeches becomes a mere assortment. Jadhav’s compilation, a good idea and a bad execution, comes at an almost prohibitive price, whereas the complete collected works of the Maharashtra Government in 22 volumes is far more accessible to students of Ambedkar.
Nevertheless, let us remember Ambedkar’s 1942 speech: “My final words of advice to you are educate, agitate and organize; have faith in yourself. With justice on our side, I do not see how we can lose our battle. The battle to me is a matter of joy. The battle is in the fullest sense spiritual. There is nothing material or social in it. For ours is a battle, not for wealth or for power. It is a battle for freedom. It is a battle for the reclamation of human personality.” And this is the most inspiring speech for all dalit movements — even today it reads like a ready recipe for all movements fighting for justice in India.
(Raja Sekhar Vundru is an IAS officer with a doctorate on Ambedkar’s ideas on electoral representation)
Printable version | Jun 9, 2013 12:49:32 PM | http://www.thehindu.com/books/books-reviews/from-marathi-to-english/article4778836.ece